Relations between France and Morocco run deep. As the author emphasized in a previous article, the decolonization process helps explain why the bilateral relationship is so strong, even intimate.
Most of the former French colonies in Africa maintained strong relations with Paris, as the French model of colonization implied transmitting the administrative organization, culture, and centralized/”Jacobin” French political system. Furthermore, French business/economic interests and political influence were maintained, and inhabitants of former possessions were given privileged access to immigration in France. Nevertheless, one of the characterizing features of Morocco is that it was one of the few former colonies or protectorates to be a monarchy and to remain so after Independence (Tunisia’s monarchy was abolished one year after Independence). Thus, contrarily to neighboring Algeria, the system of power in Morocco, which prevailed during the colonial era, was largely preserved after Independence. The reigning dynasty, the Alawites, who have ruled Morocco since the 17th century, remained on the Throne. In the years that followed Independence, the networks of rural notabilities that were in place during the Protectorate were reactivated by the Palace to counterbalance the influence of the national movement, the political elites that had spearheaded the fight against colonial France. The military elites that had served France gave independent Morocco some of its most notable servants. These include Mbarek Bekkay, the first head of government of independent Morocco, and Mohamed Oufkir, Minister of Interior and then Minister of Defense.
Beyond this, King Hassan II (1961-99) cultivated tight links with French elites. He gave multiple interviews to top French journalists such as Anne Sinclair (1993), sometimes partaking in programs usually dedicated to French politicians, such as L’heure de vérité (1989), where he answered the questions of multiple editorialists lined up for the occasion. Hassan II thus cultivated the image of a charismatic and cultivated head of State, bearing the standard of a moderate and tolerant Islam. His personal contacts with heads of State, such as center-right Valéry Giscard d’Estaing and right-wing Jacques Chirac, helped cement Morocco’s strategic ties with France. Hassan II thus laid the ground for a culture of hospitality and political tourism centered around the city of Marrakech, which helped entertain contacts with French elites. To this day, and even after their retirement from political life, a number of French high civil servants, intellectuals, and political figures maintain relations with Morocco, visiting the country frequently or even living in it.
The reason why Morocco chose to maintain such close contacts with France goes beyond interpersonal connections. After Independence and because of its rivalry with socialist-leaning Algeria, Morocco made a strategic bet on the West. France was largely given the responsibility to “manage” its former colonies in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) on behalf of the West. Morocco acted as a partner of France, the U.S., and other Western-leaning regimes in that regard, thus cementing the West’s influence on swaths of the African continent against socialism. The Palace typically feared that the revolutionary left could lead a successful coup against it, while also worrying about synergies between the said left and adverse regimes (particularly in Algeria or Syria).
Another singular feature of Morocco is that the country was divided into multiple sectors. Tangier was an international zone from 1923 to October 1956, while Spain was given three zones of influence in Northern Morocco, Southern Morocco (the latter was given back to independent Morocco in 1958), and Sidi Ifni (given back to Morocco in 1969). Morocco was divided and strived to regain its territorial integrity, leading it to enter a long border conflict with neighboring Algeria and reclaim Western Sahara under Spanish occupation. When the conflict in Western/Moroccan Sahara erupted in the mid-1970s, at a time when the regime of Spain’s Francis Franco was about to end, Morocco saw France as an important partner to shoulder it in the conflict that ensued with the territory’s left-wind, pro-Independence movement, and its Algerian and Libyan supporters. Morocco notably counted on France’s advice, intelligence, weaponry (to face USSR-provided military hardware used by Algeria), diplomatic sway, and backing at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In 2007, when Morocco presented an autonomy plan for the Sahara as a proposal to end the conflict, France was the only permanent member to support it. It maintained this position alone for decades before the Trump administration decided to recognize Morocco’s sovereignty over the disputed territory in 2020. The recognition came in a trilateral declaration that also normalized ties between Morocco and Israel.
The normalization with Israel led Moroccan authorities to embrace a more assertive approach towards the rest of the world. In essence, U.S. support for its position and the establishment of political (access to the pro-Israeli lobby in the West) and security ties with Israel (intelligence cooperation, provision of Israeli military hardware) made Morocco feel it gained the upper hand vis-à-vis traditional partners in Western Europe. This is what explains how Morocco felt strong enough to pressure Germany and France into supporting its autonomy plan as a solution to end the Western/Moroccan Sahara conflict. A diplomatic crisis with France ensued.
Thus, between 2020 and 2024, the relations between France and Morocco were experiencing a troubled era. The bilateral relationship was not always immune from such episodes of tension, but this most recent one lasted relatively long. While France’s refusal to budge on its position vis-à-vis the Moroccan/Western Sahara dossier constituted the background, the crisis was further exacerbated by other topics (e.g., Morocco’s reluctance to repatriate its citizens who irregularly migrated to France and the French response, which limited the number of visas given to Moroccan citizens).
Above all, the feeling was strong in Morocco that President Emmanuel Macron was giving a cold shoulder to its Moroccan interlocutors and prioritizing his relationship with Algeria. Macron, in effect, expressed a strong will to rebuild the French-Algerian relation, which had been marred by decades of reciprocal mistrust and hard feelings. Furthermore, Moroccans viewed the policies of Macron and members of his inner circle towards Morocco as condescending. Stéphane Séjourné, a close confidante of Macron, was thus accused of being behind the vote of a motion voted by the European Parliament, which condemned Morocco’s record in terms of human rights and freedom of the press, as well as Morocco’s perceived influence operations towards the European Parliament. In another declaration, Macron himself hinted at France’s right to “hold grudges,” an apparent reference to Morocco’s attitude vis-à-vis France.
It appears that Algeria’s unwillingness to enter such a path of reconciliation, coupled with the apparent inability of the Algerian regime to reform itself economically and politically, helped convince Macron that he had more to gain with a rapprochement with Morocco. French ministerial visits to and other economic/political gesturestowards Morocco were thus multiplied in 2024. The renewed centrality of the French center to far-right in the political balance that followed the June 2024 snap elections gave pro-Morocco voices within the French political system a renewed impetus. As a result, Macron addressed a letter to the Moroccan King in July 2024 in which he recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara, thus prompting Algeria to recall its ambassador from Paris, concluding a cycle of turbulence in French-Moroccan relations. President Macron is now expected to visit Morocco by the end of October 2024.
The bilateral relations between France and Morocco appear rather promising now that France seems willing to deal with Morocco on a more equal footing by recognizing its own political concerns. Synergies can be found between the two countries’ networks, particularly as Morocco has doubled down on its Africa policy since the mid-2010s. Another notable factor is France’s uneasy situation in Africa following a series of coups d’états that have overthrown France’s allies in Western and Central Africa. On the contrary, Morocco maintains pragmatic relations with these countries, which ostensibly recognizes their sovereignty and right to development. Morocco can thus become an essential partner of France in its interlocution with French-speaking nations in SSA.
Furthermore, France will probably consolidate its position as a major partner in Morocco’s economic development. France is thus the country that welcomes the most outward investment from Morocco and the most Moroccan students studying or Moroccan citizens living abroad. France was also the first foreign investor in Morocco and the first nationality of tourists visiting the Kingdom. Morocco was also the first country in which the French Agency for Development (AFD) invested. It should be noted that the AFD was one of the institutions that financed Morocco’s high-speed train linking Kenitra to Tangier, which made Morocco the first (and, to this date, only) African country equipped with such an infrastructure. The project’s leading supplier was France’s Alstom. It so happens that another and larger line is now announced between Casablanca and Marrakech. Alstom is probably betting on being a player to reckon with the implementation of the said project.
In conclusion, the relationship between France and Morocco is rooted in a complex history of colonialism, political dynamics, and shared strategic interests. Morocco’s monarchy and its alignment with the West, particularly France, has been pivotal in shaping bilateral ties. While tensions have arisen in recent years, notably around the Western Sahara issue and perceptions of diplomatic slights, recent developments suggest a renewed commitment to cooperation. France’s recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara marks a significant shift, signaling a potential new era of partnership. As Morocco continues to assert itself on the African and global stages, both countries stand to benefit from more profound economic, political, and cultural collaboration. The strengthening of ties comes at a time when both nations face shifting geopolitical landscapes, making the partnership more crucial than ever.
